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15th March 2006
4.59 pm
Mr. Graham Brady (Altrincham and Sale, West) (Con): Like my hon. Friend the Member for Havant (Mr. Willetts), I think that the Bill is, on balance, a good thing. It is a small step in the right direction. I have several reservations about it, but in some ways the saddest aspect of the Bill is the extent to which it now falls short of what was promised in the White Paper. In particular, having seen how charter schools in some of the most deprived areas of the US work incredibly well, I was excited to read what the Prime Minister wrote in his foreword to the White Paper. He pointed to the successes of charter schools, and to the success of school choice in Florida, so I was sorry to find that the Bill did not contain any of that radical edge. I hope that we will try to restore it as the Bill goes through the House.
Mr. John Hayes (South Holland and The Deepings) (Con): We will.
Mr. Brady: I am delighted that my hon. Friend on the Front Bench confirms that we will try to do so.
The other matter about which I want to speak is academic selection. Sadly, the Bill is even more timid in its approach to that than it is about school choice. Selection is a facet of education policy and debate that is more bogged down with outdated ideological baggage than any other. In raising educational standards, we should not let ideology determine policy. What matters is what works, and I want to talk about what works.
In his excellent foreword to the White Paper, the Prime Minister made no criticism of grammar schools, but correctly identified low-achieving secondary moderns as the cause of the pressure that led to the spread of comprehensive education in many areas. My hon. Friend the Member for Salisbury (Robert Key) made the same point.
I shall quote briefly from a book written in 1998 by Stephen Pollard and someone called Andrew Adonis. It stated:
"In 1965, the Labour-controlled House of Commons resolved that moving to a comprehensive system would preserve all that is valuable in grammar school education . . . and make it available to more children. Few would maintain that this has in fact been the case."
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Later in the book, the authors state:
"The comprehensive revolution tragically destroyed much of the excellent without improving the rest. Comprehensive schools have largely replaced selection by ability with selection by class and house price. Middle class children now go to middle class comprehensives. Far from bringing classes together, England's schools--private and state--are now a force for rigorous segregation."
Such thinking has clearly informed the White Paper, and I welcome it very much, although it is sadly lacking from the Bill.
Mr. Jamie Reed (Copeland) (Lab): Will the hon. Gentleman confirm that he is opposed to selection by ability?
Mr. Brady: I am sorry, I did not catch that.
Mr. Reed: Will the hon. Gentleman tell the House what his position is on selection by ability?
Mr. Brady: I propose to do that at the length that I am allowed by the time limit on speeches. The hon. Gentleman will not be disappointed.
Some areas, such as my own borough of Trafford in Greater Manchester, took another route in respect of education at that time. Instead of scrapping our excellent grammar schools, we set about raising the standard of our secondary moderns. That is a model that hon. Members with open minds who genuinely care about educational outcomes will want to take seriously, as the system in Trafford works better than any comprehensive system in England.
Here are the facts. Last year, 70.2 per cent. of children in Trafford gained five or more A* to C grades at GCSE. That compares with 51 per cent. in Bolton, which is represented by the Secretary of State, or 56 per cent. in Worcestershire, where the constituency of the Minister for Schools is situated. In Bury--and I see that the hon. Member for Bury, North (Mr. Chaytor) is in the Chamber--where the social profile is broadly similar, the figure is 58 per cent. In Trafford, a wholly selective area, more than 70 per cent. of children get five or more good GCSEs. That compares with 60 per cent. in leafier Cheshire next door, 54 per cent. in Oxfordshire, 61 per cent. in Hampshire, and 56 per cent. in West Sussex.
Barbara Keeley (Worsley) (Lab): I thank the hon. Gentleman for giving way, and he will know that I was responsible for education in Trafford from 2000 until 2004. The statistics that he has read out are very impressive, but I have to tell him that we encountered many difficulties. We had problems with admissions, as some schools were oversubscribed and it was very difficult to get looked-after children or those with special needs into them. That was one of the most difficult jobs in the country. Moreover, in the period when I was responsible for education in Trafford, there was always one school that was failing or subject to special measures. The hon. Gentleman must be careful when he quotes those statistics, as there is a danger that they are partial and do not take account of the problems that the Trafford system caused.
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Mr. Brady: The hon. Lady is absolutely right; there are problems and difficulties with any system of education. The point is that, in Trafford, we managed to overcome those problems and get the best results in the country. The hon. Lady should be pleased about that.
The rigour and transparency of selection helped to ensure high standards of primary education long before the publication of performance data. Equally striking is the extent to which these high standards are maintained throughout a pupil's school career. Richmond-upon-Thames tops the league table for primary schools; Trafford is second. Yet at GCSE level, Richmond slides down the rankings to 69th place, with only 55 per cent of children getting five good GCSEs. Trafford maintains the momentum; we continue to top the table at GCSE and at A-level.
None of this, of course, is new. We heard an excellent speech earlier about the Northern Ireland selective system, which gets the best results in the whole of the United Kingdom. Last year, even the DFES admitted that
"between the ages of 11 and 15, pupils in wholly selective local education authorities make more progress than pupils in partially selective or non-selective authorities and that extra progress equates to pupils in wholly selective LEAs achieving approximately two grades higher in one GCSE than in non-selective LEAs."
The fact is that selective LEAs do better for all children across the board. If seven out of ten children in Trafford can get five good GCSEs, why not in Oxfordshire, where only half of children reach that level? If seven out of ten children in Redbridge, with selection, can get five decent GCSEs, why not in Hampshire, Westminster or Manchester--or why not in Bristol, where only half as many children get five good GCSEs as those living in Trafford or in Redbridge?
We all know that the same few LEAs dominate the top of the table for GCSE achievement: Trafford, Redbridge, Sutton, Buckinghamshire and Kingston upon Thames, all of which are selective. The case for selection has been made as eloquently by the Government's own value-added tables as by anything else. The value-added tables had been expected to knock the grammar schools off their perch. But between the ages of 11 and 14, of the 21 schools adding most value, 18 were grammar schools and the other three were independent. If value-added tables were a wheeze to show the effectiveness of comprehensives, it did not work.
Of course some comprehensives do work well--usually ones where pupils are taught in classes set by ability, because pupils learn better when they are engaged at the right level of ability. That is the way grammar schools operate; if grouping pupils according to ability within schools is effective and desirable, it should be acceptable also to group pupils according to ability between schools. What matters is what works. Perhaps that is why today's ICM poll shows that 70 per cent. of the public would like more grammar schools, while only 21 per cent. oppose them.
Trafford's outstanding results are achieved not just because of the grammar schools, but because of the quality of the high schools that stand in the place of the failed secondary moderns of the 1960s--proud, high achieving schools with a rich pattern of specialisms,
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from sport to technology. We can judge the effectiveness of the high schools by the results that they produce. Do not forget: the most academically inclined children have gone elsewhere.
The national average for children achieving five good GCSEs in 2005 was 57 per cent. Ashton on Mersey high school in my constituency, also a specialist sports college, easily beat the national average: 62 per cent. of pupils got five good GCSEs. Down the road at Wellington, 73 per cent.--16 percentage points above the national average for children of all abilities--got five good GCSEs. Children at Trafford's high schools are receiving a better education and getting better results than at most comprehensives.
Indeed, if you exclude the performance of Trafford's grammar schools, with roughly the top 40 per cent. of the ability range, the high schools on their own would come 65th out of 148 LEAs in England, ahead of Richmond-upon-Thames and many others. Trafford is perhaps the perfect example of the successful, diverse state education system that the Prime Minister and Lord Adonis so rightly want to achieve--a system that, in the words of the White Paper, takes full account of "how different young people acquire knowledge and skills".
All of us here today want higher standards in schools. I am not claiming that what we do in Trafford can work everywhere, and I certainly would not seek to impose it on other parts of the country. But I am asking all hon. Members to look at the facts that I have put before the House. If they do so with an open mind, they will find it impossible to rule out the use of selection as a part of the modern, diverse provision of schools that our children need.
5.10 pm
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